Wild Mongolian Horde was merely the Army of Ancient Russia
According to the official version of history, Russia remained under the political and military yoke of the Mongols for many centuries on end.
The term "Mongol" is usually assumed to have always meant the same thing - however, this turns out to be incorrect. Bear in mind that Mongolia didn't exist as an independent state until the early 20th century! The word "Mongol" simply meant "Great One" - its association with the nomadic tribes hailing from the steppes north of China is a later invention...There was no such thing as the Tartar and Mongol invasion followed by two centuries of slavery. The so-called "Tartars and Mongols" were the actual ancestors of the modern Russians, living in a bilingual state with Arabic spoken as freely as Russian. The ancient Russian state was governed by a double structure of civil and military authorities. The hordes were actually professional armies with a tradition of lifelong conscription (the recruitment being the so-called "blood tax"). Their "invasions" were punitive operations against the regions that attempted tax evasion. Russian history as we know it today is a blatant forgery concocted by a host of German scientists brought to Russia by the usurper dynasty of the Romanovs.
But why did Horde have to be invented?
The reason is simple - the actual "Mongol conquerors of Russia" never existed. The yoke theory was created by the German court historians of the new Russian dynasty - the Romanovs. It has served the end of justifying the Romanovs' claims for the throne and demonising their longtime adversaries - the Horde, or the professional Russian army, which remained fiercely loyal to the old Russian dynasty. The savage Mongol and Tartar invaders and torturers of the Russian land that we read about in history textbooks were the protectors of the state in reality - and ethnic Slavs for the most part. Small wonder historians still cannot find a single trace of the mythical Mongol capital - no such capital ever existed anywhere near the Gobi Desert.
The Mongol Horde identified as the Russian army are extremely hard to swallow for any Russian - yet they are just the tip of the iceberg called New Chronology, which is a radical reconstruction of world history in general and a brainchild of Anatoly Fomenko, one of today's leading mathematicians.
Biblical nations of Gog and Magog were Goths alias Slavs.
How much do we know about the Goths? Those fortunate enough to keep at a sound distance from the historical discourse shall probably think of those numerous Bela Lugosi impersonators who live by their hairspray and their macabre aesthetics. Those who did devote some of their time to tearing through all the insurmountable dogma and inexplicable lacunae in place of vibrant ages and civilizations that one finds in history textbooks will doubtlessly think of Jordanes and Cassiodorus in this respect, and recollect the Goths to have been a group of Germanic tribes who swarmed Europe in the alleged 3rd century AD -- and "alleged" is a key word here -- to rape, pillage and terrorize. But how Germanic were they really, and when exactly have they been introduced to us as such?
According to Anatoly Fomenko, one of the world's leading mathematicians, the Goths were Slavic through and through. This alone would fail to make a piece of sensational news -- however, Fomenko redefines sensational telling us that the Gothic tribes were none other but the Biblical nations of Gog and Magog! That might sound like nonsense -- after all, don't the Old Testament events date back to times immemorial?
"History: Fiction or Science?" is a phenomenal and unprecedented scientific experiment since neither state-of-the-art methods of mathematical statistics nor astronomical data have ever been applied to history before. One would expect such a procedure to yield interesting results -- but "interesting" doesn't remotely approach the results of Fomenko's research. Ancient and mediaeval history transform into a phantom, leaving us with a historical period of a single millennium to encompass everything from Jesus Christ (who is proved to have lived in the 11th century AD) to our time. Definitely nonsense and positively impossible, you say? Just wait till you get infected with the New Chronology meme, and mark our words -- looking back at your vehement support of consensual history will be most embarrassing indeed! "In a time of deceit telling the truth is revolutionary act." - George Orwell
Anonymous Coward User ID: 486826 8/20/2008 5:18 PM
The Mongols was just another name of ancient Russian army: Historical Documents and Evidence Supports This.
The Mongols was just another name of ancient Russian army
Quoting: Nightshade 09
Wikipedia : Mongols: A narrow definition includes the Mongols proper, which can be roughly divided into eastern and western Mongols. In a wider sense, the Mongol peoples includes all people who speak a Mongolic language, such as the Kalmyks of eastern Europe.
The name "Mongol" appeared first in 8th century records of the Chinese Tang dynasty, but then only resurfaced in the 11th century during the rule of the Khitan. At first it was applied to some small and still insignificant tribes in the area of the Onon River. In the 13th century, it grew into an umbrella term for a large group of Mongolic and Turkic tribes united under the rule of Genghis Khan under a same identity (mostly cultural).
They are not dening the existence of the Modern day enthic peoples called the Mongolians.
They are simply saying that the Mongol Hordes of European History were actually Russians and they were Mongols of Europe. The European (ancient term) Mongol meant to ancient Europeans Russians. An it was the Russian Armies that terrorized Europe.
Meanwhile the Mongolians of Asia were entirely different peoples.
Yes ethincal Mongolians appear in ancient chinese text.
It was Russian Tsar's who demonized the ethnic Mongelians. Shift the blame.. when they themselves knew it was Russian Armies that were the Mongolian Invaders of European History.
The Mongols was just another name of ancient Russian army: Historical Documents and Evidence Supports This.
The Mongols was just another name of ancient Russian army
Wikipedia : Mongols: A narrow definition includes the Mongols proper, which can be roughly divided into eastern and western Mongols. In a wider sense, the Mongol peoples includes all people who speak a Mongolic language, such as the Kalmyks of eastern Europe.
The name "Mongol" appeared first in 8th century records of the Chinese Tang dynasty, but then only resurfaced in the 11th century during the rule of the Khitan. At first it was applied to some small and still insignificant tribes in the area of the Onon River. In the 13th century, it grew into an umbrella term for a large group of Mongolic and Turkic tribes united under the rule of Genghis Khan under a same identity (mostly cultural).
Quoting: Anonymous Coward 486826
"In a time of deceit telling the truth is revolutionary act." - George Orwell
Anonymous Coward User ID: 488292 8/20/2008 5:40 PM
August 21, 2008
Eyeing Georgia, Poland Expresses Worry
By NICHOLAS KULISH
WARSAW — The bustling streets of downtown Warsaw, increasingly filled with gleaming new automobiles and lined with Western boutique stores, seem a world away from downtown Tbilisi, Georgia’s capital, where jittery residents this month faced the once inconceivable threat of Russian tanks advancing down Rustaveli Avenue in the center of the city.
But the events in the Caucasus, and threats of a nuclear attack by a Russian general after the announcement of a deal to place an American missile defense base here, have cast a pall of doubt over a Poland that, flush and confident, has taken its place in the West, specifically on the side of America, as an ally rather than a vassal.
As the United States and Poland formally signed the missile defense agreement on Wednesday, over vociferous objections from Moscow, polls in the daily newspaper Dziennik showed public opinion swinging sharply in the past month, from opposition to the missile base to support.
“Before the Georgia invasion, I was against the installation of the missile shield in Poland, but now, after the events there, I feel threatened from the East, and I don’t regret the decision,” said Julian Damentko, 26, a student out this week for a walk in Saski Park here.
Poland, the nation in which the Solidarity trade union hammered the first cracks into the old Soviet bloc, has been feeling its strength as a leader of the New Europe of former Soviet-sphere states. But since the Georgia crisis, this largest of post-Communist European Union members has moved to cement its relationship to action-oriented America and not just the tentative bureaucracies of Europe and NATO.
The Russian invasion has reminded Poles once again how quickly and dangerously the world, in Poland and around Eastern Europe, can divide. Poland is struggling now to show that it will not fall behind the faint old lines of the cold war, which may have seemed foggily forgotten in the West since the Berlin Wall fell, but are remembered all too well here.
On the newsstands here, the cover of the mainstream, right-leaning weekly magazine Wprost is an illustration of Vladimir V. Putin, Russia’s prime minister, with an instantly recognizable little mustache and sweep of hair across the forehead that make the headline, “Adolf Putin,” redundant. The Polish-language edition of Newsweek featured the outspoken and at times impolitic Polish president, Lech Kaczynski, in the pilot’s seat of an airplane cockpit under the headline, “You have to be tough with Russia.”
“Parchments and treaties are all very well, but we have a history in Poland of fighting alone and being left to our own devices by our allies,” said Radek Sikorski, Poland’s foreign minister, and the government’s point man on missile defense, in an interview this week.
It is not a cold war mindset that drives Poland, Mr. Sikorski said, but one that harks all the way back to World War II, when, despite alliances with Britain and France, Poland fought Nazi Germany alone, and lost. It was “the defining moment for us in the 20th century,” Mr. Sikorski said. “Then we were stabbed in the back by the Soviet Union, and that determined our fate for 50 years.”
As a result, Poland’s foreign policy is stamped by mistrust not only for Russia’s ambitions, but for hollow assurances from its own allies. Georgia’s lonely fight against an overwhelming Russian military did serve as an object lesson — a refresher that people here said no one in Poland needed — on the limits of waiting for help from friends.
“We’re determined this time around to have alliances backed by realities, backed by capabilities,” said Mr. Sikorski, pointing out that all Poland has right now in terms of NATO infrastructure is one unfinished conference center.
This kind of strategic thinking was supposed to be on the way out. It was just this past December that Poles celebrated the removal of all border checkpoints with Germany and other European neighbors, a powerful symbol of the country’s full membership in the Western club. The economy has been churning out new jobs and higher wages, allowing Poles to enjoy a standard of living that, though not up to French or German standards yet, is far beyond what everyday people could have imagined in Communist times.
In Warsaw, there remains a sense of remove, if no longer complete security. “There is a certain climate of safety, that we are already long admitted in the Atlantic alliance, that we proved to be a good member, a good ally,” said Marek Ostrowski, the foreign editor of Polityka, a mainstream weekly news magazine in Poland. He said there was a feeling among Poles that “the summer is nice and finally people don’t feel threatened here.”
Poland’s sense of security did not occur overnight. It was a result of nearly two decades of assiduous work to burrow as deeply into Western institutions as possible, leaving behind the Russian sphere and taking what leaders in this Roman Catholic country had long argued was its natural place in the West. Also setting it apart is that Poland lacks the sizable Russian minority that so worries officials in Ukraine and other former Soviet states. Of Poland’s 38.5 million people, 97 percent are ethnically Polish.
In signing the deal on Wednesday to allow American missiles to be based on the country’s soil, Poland is being true to both its tortured past and its present as a new European power. It is allowing the missiles but doing so on its own terms: the deal prescribes that the United States also contribute a Patriot missile battery that will be operated by American troops for the time being, binding Poland and the United States in a way that increases both the risk and the cost of confrontation with a newly emboldened Russia.
Poland is not just relying on allies like the United States for its defense. The country is in the process of revamping its military, ending conscription and modernizing its professional army. Among the former Communist nations now integrated into NATO and the European Union, Poland has grown into the role of outspoken advocate for countries like Ukraine and Georgia that are still in Russia’s orbit.
“Poland will be a normal European country when it has normal, democratic, free-market countries on both sides of its border,” said Mr. Sikorski, adding, “and that includes Russia, by the way.”
In many ways, this assertive country, aided by Western allies and institutions, is a model of what can be achieved with Western support, but also of exactly what Russia does not want Ukraine and Georgia becoming on its southern flank.
Public support for the missile deal was far from universal on the streets of Warsaw. Some residents said the threat was being hyped by leaders here for political gain, others that any steps that might provoke Russia were a mistake. “It’s the dumbest thing we could have done,” said Slawomir Janak, 72, a pensioner. “This decision is going to have its repercussions on Poland for a long time. It might even lead to the Third World War.”
But most said it was a necessary step. “If the Western nations don’t defend such a strategic target as the pipelines in Georgia, why should they defend Poland, which is less strategic?” said Szymon Chlebowski, 22, a student from Gdansk out for a stroll down Warsaw’s grand boulevard, Krakowski Przedmiescie. “In the perspective of five years, I see a real threat for Poland, starting in the Baltic nations, north to south first, and then Poland, with the same lack of reaction by Western nations.”
“As in the Second World War,” said Joanna Skicka, 22, who was out with him, “the story will repeat itself.”
Mr. Chlebowski said he and his friends had started discussing concrete plans for where they would go if Poland were attacked. In a sign of Poland’s orientation to the West, they said they planned to escape to Italy or Spain.
Michal Piotrowski contributed reporting.
"In a time of deceit telling the truth is revolutionary act." - George Orwell
RUSSIA’S DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN OVER SOUTH OSSETIA
RUSSIA’S DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGN OVER SOUTH OSSETIA Print E-mail
August 20, 2008
Central Asia-Caucasus Institute Analyst
August 20, 2008
By Robert M. Cutler
With Georgian government websites shut down by cyber-attacks in the days immediately preceding hostilities, the Russian story of its army coming to the defense of South Ossetia in the face of Georgian assault gained currency. This script is still often invoked as a preface to any commentary or reportage on current developments. However, as facts begin to surface, it is increasingly revealed as a propaganda strategy planned in advance and contradicted by evidence on the ground, by the testimony of neutral observers, and by the increasingly transparent cynicism of its purveyors.
BACKGROUND: From the very beginning of military clashes on the night of 7-8 August, there has been a concerted Russian effort to vilify President Mikheil Saakashvili as a war criminal. In the first days of the conflict, Russian media repeatedly cited a figure of 2,000 civilian casualties in Tskhinvali city and up to 40,000 refugees (out of a maximum 70,000 total population in South Ossetia of all ethnicities). It was on this basis that not only Russian media but also the highest Russian leaders repeatedly condemned Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili as a war criminal guilty of ethnic cleansing, and promised prosecution in international courts. These claims have faded in recent days, because they have been shown to be false by systematic investigations by Human Rights Watch as well as by the aggregated testimony of foreign reporters who have entered the region since the Russian occupation. In a twist, Georgia has filed a brief before the International Court of Justice charging Russia with conducting and abetting ethnic cleansing of Georgians from South Ossetia and Abkhazia from 1990 to the present.
There is a general view that Georgia assaulted South Ossetia before Russian troops invaded. A detailed timeline provided by Georgia’s Prime Minister Lado Gurgenidze during an international telephone press conference disputes that assertion, however. This view is corroborated in most part by several independent sources, and an independent Washington Post reconstruction of events concludes that the Georgian assault on Tskhinvali and the Russian tank column’s emergence from the Georgian end of the cross-border Roki Tunnel could only have been minutes apart at most. Roughly 150 Russian vehicles including armored personnel carriers got through before Georgian forces were able to mount an only partially successful attack on the crucial bridge at Kurta linking the Roki Tunnel with Tskhinvali.
It seems inescapable that Russian tanks must have been on the road from Vladikavkaz, North Ossetia, for some time in order to cross the 100 miles of mountain roads to reach South Ossetia when they did. Novaya gazeta’s respected military analyst Pavel Felgenhauer is only one of several writers who have documented how the Russian invasion is only the culmination of a months-long series of provocations as well as strategic and tactical on-the-ground preparations, for example the construction and equipment of a base near the city of Java, northwest of Tskhinvali, as a refueling depot for Russian armor moving southwards. This should be added to the better-known “railroad repair” troops sent to Abkhazia in recent weeks, who are reliably reported to have constructed tank-launching facilities. The ceremony completing the railway repair was held as late as July 30.
IMPLICATIONS: Reports of fighting on 8 August, for which Russian media were the chief origin, asserted that Georgian forces entered Tskhinvali city early in the day, were then driven back by Russian troops who were said to retake the city, and finally returned to seize parts of the city’s southern outskirts before being repelled for good. However, according to subsequent reports by civilians in Tskhinvali, the Russians never occupied the city; rather, it was combined artillery and aerial bombing that drove the Georgians out of the city. According to Georgian sources, this bombardment was extremely intense and lasted for all the time Georgian forces were in Tskhinvali from dawn on 8 August until just before noon, and continued even afterwards, intensifying again when Georgian forces attempted to re-enter the city later in the day.
Among the weapons systems used by the Russian forces were Uragan and Grad artillery. The latter is the same system that Georgian military affirmed using against Russian military posts outlying Tskhinvali late on the night of 7 August, after Russian armor entered Georgia through the Roki Tunnel. Both sides as well as local observers agree that there was massive aerial bombardment during the day of the eighth. Moreover, American military training provided to the Georgian army over the last few years appears to have concentrated on counterinsurgency tactics, in view of Tbilisi’s contribution of troops to the Iraq conflict.
Given Russian air superiority in the region, it is difficult to suppose that the heavy aerial bombardment of Tskhinvali city came from the Georgian side. Russian sources blame the destruction exclusively on the Georgian artillery assault on the night of 7-8 August, but surviving city dwellers seem to indicate that the Georgian assault was concentrated on the administrative quarters of the Russian-backed South Ossetian separatists, as well as communications links and the like. By contrast, if observers’ reports are to be believed, the degree of devastation visited upon the city by nightfall on 8 August (after Russian bombardment had driven the Georgians from the city) is paralleled in recent history only by the leveling of Grozny in the Second Chechen War of the 1990s.
The Russian side’s signature of consecutive ceasefire agreements without any visible attempt to implement them may also be charitably described as disinformation. This pattern of behavior was first clearly revealed several days ago when, after the Russian and Georgian presidents had both signed French president Nicolas Sarkozy’s six-point ceasefire document, the Russian military began to withdraw from Gori and then, as soon as international media began to report this, literally reversed gear and moved back. As Western video journalists reported live, Russian troops then continued to attack nonmilitary establishments (the nearest military target is a base eight miles outside Gori) while appearing to coordinate with Ossetian and other North Caucasus irregulars who looted property and even abducted civilians.
CONCLUSIONS: What is remarkable about the Russian information policy on the war against Georgia is its failure to adapt to the twenty-first century information environment. Even Russia’s U.N. Ambassador Vitalii Churkin has lost the charisma that he radiated twenty years ago when, during the heyday of glasnost and perestroika, he became the first Soviet ambassador to Washington to testify to a Congressional committee. Russia’s political leaders hold no spontaneous interviews even with representatives of Russian media. By contrast, Saakashvili’s presence on CNN and other western stations, and his and the Georgian leadership’s command of foreign languages, have enabled them to get their message across effectively.
Late on the night of 18 August, Tbilisi time, the Georgian Ministry of Defense posted a statement (hosted on blogspot.com because of continuing infrastructure and cyberattacks against official Tbilisi websites), saying simply: “It is absolutely obvious to the international community that the Russian Federation chose destruction of economy with the use of military force and ethnic cleansing as an instrument for implementing its foreign policy.” The credibility of the Georgian message is enhanced not only by reports from foreign journalists on the ground but also by an entirely new element in the information environment: the aggregate of amateur eyewitness reports on youtube.com, ireport.com, and other vlog (video-logging) dedicated websites.
AUTHOR’S BIO: Robert M. Cutler is Senior Research Fellow, Institute of European, Russian and Eurasian Studies, Carleton University, Canada.
[link to georgiandaily.com] "In a time of deceit telling the truth is revolutionary act." - George Orwell
Anonymous Coward User ID: 488324 8/20/2008 7:08 PM
I forgot to mention KGB carreer. Can't forget that.
Quoting: Anonymous Coward 459297
Russia is flushed with oil cash,,the USA is in recession....The Russian Bear is going to growl and stand up.The Russians are going to take back as much land as they can.........
Take a look at his pic and face.. Typical Caveman Russian General..
latimes.com
[link to www.latimes.com]
From the Los Angeles Times Russian soldiers to stay in Georgia
Moscow plans to set up 18 checkpoints, some in Georgia proper, a Kremlin official says. The plan appears to violate the terms of a cease-fire.
By Sergei L. Loiko and Borzou Daragahi
Los Angeles Times Staff Writers
5:59 PM PDT, August 20, 2008
MOSCOW — Russia plans to establish a long-term presence inside Georgia and one of its breakaway republics by adding 18 checkpoints, including at least eight within undisputed Georgian territory outside the pro-Russian enclave of South Ossetia, a ranking Russian military official told reporters Wednesday.
The checkpoints will be staffed by hundreds of Russian troops, the official said, with those in Georgia proper having supplies ferried to them from breakaway South Ossetia.
If implemented, the plan would effectively put under Russian control the border between Georgia and the South Ossetia region, which is seeking independence, as well as a small chunk of Georgia proper.
"This is the essence of it," Col. Gen. Anatoly Nogovitsyn, deputy chief of the army general staff, told reporters at a briefing. He showed maps detailing the proposed Russian positions, one just outside the Georgian city of Gori, which lies along a crucial juncture of the country's main east-west highway.
"The president ordered us to stop where we were," he said. "We are not pulling out and pulling back troops behind this administrative border into the territory of South Ossetia."
The plans appear to violate the terms of a French-endorsed cease-fire deal signed late last week by the presidents of Georgia and Russia. It called for both country's troops and allied armed groups to move back to their positions before hostilities between the two countries' troops led to a Russian military incursion early this month into the staunchly pro-American Caucasus Mountains nation.
Russian officials insist the deal allows them to keep troops along the South Ossetian-Georgian border as well as within Georgia proper as part of a peacekeeping mission begun in the 1990s. The Russians say their peacekeeping mandate gives them access to a "security zone" along the border.
At the U.N. on Wednesday, Russian Ambassador Vitaly Churkin circulated a draft resolution calling for the Security Council's endorsement of the cease-fire plan that had been promoted last week by French President Nicolas Sarkozy. U.S. Deputy U.N. Ambassador Alejandro Wolff made it clear that Washington opposed the Russian initiative. He said it is "designed to rubber-stamp a Russian interpretation" of the cease-fire that the West rejects.
Western envoys at the U.N. supported a French draft resolution Monday calling for immediate Russian withdrawal from Georgia. But Russia, which wields a Security Council veto, blocked it. The 15-member council did not debate the rival Russian draft.
Relations between the West and Moscow have plummeted to their lowest depths since the end of the Cold War, prompting fears that an economically invigorated Russia would strive to reestablish authority over what it views as its centuries-old sphere of influence, including Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Top diplomats of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries said they would reconsider their relations with Moscow following its incursion into Georgia.
In this month's fighting, at least 64 Russian soldiers were killed and 323 injured, Nogovitsyn said. Russians were outraged by what they called an unprovoked surprise attack by Georgians on Russian peacekeepers based in South Ossetia, as well as civilians in the breakaway region. Georgians have accused Moscow of provoking the fight as a pretext for sending troops into Georgian territory.
Officials in Georgia, the U.S. and Europe have demanded Russia pull its troops back to positions held before the fighting broke out Aug. 7.
President Bush reiterated that message Wednesday during a speech before the Veterans of Foreign Wars national convention in Orlando, Fla., calling for Russian troops to move back and defending Georgia's claim to South Ossetia and another breakaway region.
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said Wednesday that the presence of Russia's military forces is "now having an effect" on Georgia's neighbors, Armenia and Azerbaijan, by making imports and exports difficult. She said Armenia is beginning to see shortages.
Rice said that as of midafternoon, U.S. officials had seen no signs of a Russian retreat from Georgia. Another U.S. official said there were some movements that suggested some military units might be pulling back.
In Moscow, Nogovitsyn said "time will tell" when Russians would pull troops out of areas they now control in Georgia proper, including the key city of Gori. He called the proposed new checkpoints "observation posts."
Georgian officials voiced outrage over the continued Russian presence. The Georgian Foreign Ministry announced Wednesday that Russians had set up a new position along the highway on the road leading to the Black Sea port city of Poti, 18 miles from the frontier to a pro-Moscow breakaway Georgian republic, Abkhazia.
"Over the last seven days they've promised three times to leave, but they've yet to fulfill their promises," said Alexander Lomaia, Georgia's national security advisor, during an interview in downtown Gori.
"We're here and we haven't seen any sign of them pulling out," he said. "There is the same number of checkpoints and the same severe rules for entering and exiting."
The U.S. military flew in five planes loaded with relief supplies, news agencies reported. It is also attempting to dispatch several military vessels from the Mediterranean to Georgia's Black Sea coast with additional aid.
daragahi@latimes.com
Loiko reported from Moscow and Daragahi from Gori. Times staff writers Paul Richter in Warsaw and Richard Boudreaux at the United Nations also contributed to this report. "In a time of deceit telling the truth is revolutionary act." - George Orwell
Anonymous Coward User ID: 486409 8/20/2008 10:13 PM
Yet there is a major major difference between the USA and RUSSIA.
Here in the United States we can our selves criticize not only the actions of our soilders but our supposed leaders. We can puhlish those opinions in a OPEN and FREE Press and not feel threatened to do so.
In Russia you can not. There is no Free press, to criticize leaders there means harassment, intimidation or worse.
US soldiers can torture and kill people in Iraq at will:
plain and simple..russia has been supporting Iran and will support venuzuela syria hizbullah .among others..russia is lining up support of terror regime countries..against the U.S. Europe and Israel......so a new world order begins.....this has happened thousands of times in history..and will happen many more times in the future...Eastern european countries must unite at once for strength in numbers ....
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Russia is flushed with oil cash,,the USA is in recession....The Russian Bear is going to growl and stand up.The Russians are going to take back as much land as they can.........
